《英语翻译》课程教学资源（名作佳译）毛泽东选集（英文版）卷二 Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Vol. 2

Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung:Vol.III The Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan (II) Preface and Postscript to Rural Surveys (March and April 1941) Preface Postscript Reform our Study (May 1941) Expose the Plot for a Far Eastern Munich (May 25,1941) On the International United Front Against Fascism June 23.1941) Speech at the Assembly of Representatives of the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region (November 21,1941) Rectify the Party's Style of Work (February 1.1942) Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing (February 8.1942) Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art (May 1942) Introduction Conclusion A Most Important Policy (September 7,1942) The Turning Point in World War II (October 12.1942) In Celebration of the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the October Revolution (November 6.1942) Economic and Financial Problems in the Anti-Japanese War (December 1942) Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leasership June /1943) Some Pointed Questions for the Kuomintang (July 12,1943) Spread the Campaigns to Reduce Rent.Increase Production and "Support the Government and Cherish the People"In the Base Areas (October 1.1943) A Comment on the Sessions of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee and the People's

Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung: Vol. III The Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan (II) Preface and Postscript to Rural Surveys (March and April 1941) Preface Postscript Reform our Study (May 1941) Expose the Plot for a Far Eastern Munich (May 25, 1941) On the International United Front Against Fascism (June 23, 1941) Speech at the Assembly of Representatives of the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region (November 21, 1941) Rectify the Party's Style of Work (February 1, 1942) Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing (February 8, 1942) Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art (May 1942) Introduction Conclusion A Most Important Policy (September 7, 1942) The Turning Point in World War II (October 12, 1942) In Celebration of the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the October Revolution (November 6, 1942) Economic and Financial Problems in the Anti-Japanese War (December 1942) Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leasership (June 1, 1943) Some Pointed Questions for the Kuomintang (July 12, 1943) Spread the Campaigns to Reduce Rent, Increase Production and "Support the Government and Cherish the People" In the Base Areas(October 1, 1943) A Comment on the Sessions of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee and the People's

Political Council (October 5.1943) Get Organized!(November 29,1943) Our Study and the Current Situation (April 12,1944) Serve the People (September 8.1944) On Chiang Kai-shek's Speech on the Double Tenth Festival /October 1/,1944) The United Front in Cultural Work (October 30.1944) We Must Learn to Do Economic Work (January 10,1945) Production is Also Possible in the Guerilla Zone (January 31.1945) China's Two Possible Destinies (April 23,1945) On Coalition Government (April 24,1945) I.The Fundamental Demands of the Chinese People II.The International and the Domestic Situation III Two Lines in the Anti-Japanese War The Key to China's Problems History Follows a Tortuous Course The People's War Two Battle Fronts China's Liberated Areas The Kuomintang Areas A Contrast Who Is "Sabotaging the War of Resistance and Endangering the State"? "Disobedience to Governmental and Military Orders" The Danger of Civil War Negotiations Two Prospects IV.The Policy of the Chinese Communist Party Our General Programme Our Specific Programme 1.Destroy the Japanese Aggressors Completely.Allow No Compromise Halfway 2.Abolish the Kuomintang One-Party Dictatorship.Establish a Democratic Coalition Government 3.Freedom for the People 4.Unity of the People

Political Council (October 5, 1943) Get Organized! (November 29, 1943) Our Study and the Current Situation (April 12, 1944) Serve the People (September 8,1944) On Chiang Kai-shek's Speech on the Double Tenth Festival (October 11, 1944) The United Front in Cultural Work (October 30, 1944) We Must Learn to Do Economic Work (January 10, 1945) Production is Also Possible in the Guerilla Zone (January 31, 1945) China's Two Possible Destinies(April 23, 1945) On Coalition Government (April 24, 1945) I. The Fundamental Demands of the Chinese People II. The International and the Domestic Situation III Two Lines in the Anti-Japanese War The Key to China's Problems History Follows a Tortuous Course The People's War Two Battle Fronts China's Liberated Areas The Kuomintang Areas A Contrast Who Is "Sabotaging the War of Resistance and Endangering the State"? "Disobedience to Governmental and Military Orders" The Danger of Civil War Negotiations Two Prospects IV. The Policy of the Chinese Communist Party Our General Programme Our Specific Programme 1. Destroy the Japanese Aggressors Completely, Allow No Compromise Halfway 2. Abolish the Kuomintang One-Party Dictatorship, Establish a Democratic Coalition Government 3. Freedom for the People 4. Unity of the People

5.The People's Army 6.The Land Problem 7.The Problem of Industry 8.The Problem of Culture,Education and Tbe Intellectuals 9.The Problem of the Minority Nationalities 10.The Problem of Foreign Policy The Tasks in the Kuomintang Areas The Tasks in the Japanese-Occupied Areas The Tasks in the Liberated Areas V.Let the Whole Party Unite and Fight to Accomplish Its Tasks! The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains (June 11,1945) On Production by the Army for Its Own Support and On the Importance of the Great Movements for Rectification and for Production (April 27,1945) The Hurley-Chiang Duet is a Flop (July 10,1945) On the Danger of the Hurley Policy (July 12,1945) Telegram to Comrade William Z.Foster (July 29,1945) The Last Round with the Japanese Invaders (August 9,1945) Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project. HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung PREFACEAND POSTSCRIPT TO RURAL SURVEYS

5. The People's Army 6. The Land Problem 7. The Problem of Industry 8. The Problem of Culture, Education and Tbe Intellectuals 9. The Problem of the Minority Nationalities 10. The Problem of Foreign Policy The Tasks in the Kuomintang Areas The Tasks in the Japanese-Occupied Areas The Tasks in the Liberated Areas V. Let the Whole Party Unite and Fight to Accomplish Its Tasks! The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains(June 11, 1945) On Production by the Army for Its Own Support and On the Importance of the Great Movements for Rectification and for Production (April 27, 1945) The Hurley-Chiang Duet is a Flop (July 10, 1945) On the Danger of the Hurley Policy (July 12, 1945) Telegram to Comrade William Z. Foster (July 29, 1945) The Last Round with the Japanese Invaders(August 9, 1945) Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project. HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung PREFACE AND POSTSCRIPT TO RURAL SURVEYS

March and April 1941 PREFACE March 17.1941 The present rural policy of the Party is not one of Agrarian Revolution as during the ten years'civil war,but is a rural policy for the National United Front Against Japan.The whole Party should carry out the Central Committee's directives of July 7 and December 25,1940,[1]and the directives of the forthcoming Seventh National Congress.The following material is being published to help comrades find a method for studying problems.Many of our comrades still have a crude and careless style of work,do not seek to understand things thoroughly and may even be completely ignorant of conditions at the lower levels,and yet they are responsible for directing work.This is an extremely dangerous state of affairs.Without a really concrete knowledge of the actual conditions of the classes in Chinese society there can be no really good leadership. The only way to know conditions is to make social investigations,to investigate the conditions of each social class in real life.For those charged with directing work,the basic method for knowing conditions is to concentrate on a few cities and villages according to a plan,use the fundamental viewpoint of Marxism,i.e,the method of class analysis,and make a number of thorough investigations.Only thus can we acquire even the most rudimentary knowledge of China's social problems. To do this,first,direct your eyes downward,do not hold your head high and gaze at the sky.Unless a person is interested in turning his eyes downward and is determined to do so,he will never in his whole life really understand things in China. Second,hold fact-finding meetings.Certainly,no all-round knowledge can be acquired merely by glancing this way and that and listening to hearsay.Of the data I obtained through fact-finding meetings,those on Hunan Province and on Chingkangshan have been lost.The materials published here consist mainly of the "Survey of Hsingkuo",the "Survey of Changkang Township"and the "Survey of Tsaihsi Township".Holding fact-finding meetings is the simplest,most practicable and most reliable method,from which I have derived much benefit:it is a better school than any university.Those attending such meetings should be really experienced cadres of middle and lower ranks,or ordinary people.In my investigations of five counties in Hunan Province and two counties in Chingkangshan,I approached responsible cadres of middle rank;in the Hsunwu investigation I approached cadres of the middle and lower ranks,a poor hsiutsai,[2]a bankrupt ex-president of the chamber of commerce and a petty official in charge of county revenue who had lost his job.All of these people gave me a great deal of information I had never even heard of.The man who for the first time gave me a complete picture of the rottenness of Chinese jails was a petty jailer I met during my investigation in Hengshan County,Hunan.In my investigations of Hsingkuo County and Changkang and Tsaihsi townships,I approached comrades working at the township level and ordinary peasants.These cadres,the peasants,the hsiutsai,the jailer,the merchant and the revenue

March and April 1941 PREFACE March 17, 1941 The present rural policy of the Party is not one of Agrarian Revolution as during the ten years' civil war, but is a rural policy for the National United Front Against Japan. The whole Party should carry out the Central Committee's directives of July 7 and December 25, 1940, [1] and the directives of the forthcoming Seventh National Congress. The following material is being published to help comrades find a method for studying problems. Many of our comrades still have a crude and careless style of work, do not seek to understand things thoroughly and may even be completely ignorant of conditions at the lower levels, and yet they are responsible for directing work. This is an extremely dangerous state of affairs. Without a really concrete knowledge of the actual conditions of the classes in Chinese society there can be no really good leadership. The only way to know conditions is to make social investigations, to investigate the conditions of each social class in real life. For those charged with directing work, the basic method for knowing conditions is to concentrate on a few cities and villages according to a plan, use the fundamental viewpoint of Marxism, i.e., the method of class analysis, and make a number of thorough investigations. Only thus can we acquire even the most rudimentary knowledge of China's social problems. To do this, first, direct your eyes downward, do not hold your head high and gaze at the sky. Unless a person is interested in turning his eyes downward and is determined to do so, he will never in his whole life really understand things in China. Second, hold fact-finding meetings. Certainly, no all-round knowledge can be acquired merely by glancing this way and that and listening to hearsay. Of the data I obtained through fact-finding meetings, those on Hunan Province and on Chingkangshan have been lost. The materials published here consist mainly of the "Survey of Hsingkuo", the "Survey of Changkang Township" and the "Survey of Tsaihsi Township". Holding fact-finding meetings is the simplest, most practicable and most reliable method, from which I have derived much benefit; it is a better school than any university. Those attending such meetings should be really experienced cadres of middle and lower ranks, or ordinary people. In my investigations of five counties in Hunan Province and two counties in Chingkangshan, I approached responsible cadres of middle rank; in the Hsunwu investigation I approached cadres of the middle and lower ranks, a poor hsiutsai, [2] a bankrupt ex-president of the chamber of commerce and a petty official in charge of county revenue who had lost his job. All of these people gave me a great deal of information I had never even heard of. The man who for the first time gave me a complete picture of the rottenness of Chinese jails was a petty jailer I met during my investigation in Hengshan County, Hunan. In my investigations of Hsingkuo County and Changkang and Tsaihsi townships, I approached comrades working at the township level and ordinary peasants. These cadres, the peasants, the hsiutsai,the jailer, the merchant and the revenue

clerk were all my esteemed teachers,and as their pupil I had to be respectful and diligent and comradely in my attitude;otherwise they would have paid no attention to me,and,though they knew,would not have spoken or,if they spoke,would not have told all they knew.A fact-finding meeting need not be large;from three to five or seven or eight people are enough.Ample time must be allowed and an outline for the investigation must be prepared;furthermore,one must personally ask questions,take notes and have discussions with those at the meeting.Therefore one certainly cannot make an investigation,or do it well,without zeal,a determination to direct one's eyes downward and a thirst for knowledge,and without shedding the ugly mantle of pretentiousness and becoming a willing pupil.It has to be understood that the masses are the real heroes,while we ourselves are often childish and ignorant,and without this understanding it is impossible to acquire even the most rudimentary knowledge I should like to repeat that the main purpose of publishing this reference material is to indicate a method for finding out the conditions prevailing at the lower levels;it is not to have comrades memorize the specific material and the conclusions drawn from it.Speaking generally,the infant bourgeoisie of China has not been able,and never will be able,to provide relatively comprehensive or even rudimentary material on social conditions,as the bourgeoisie in Europe,America and Japan has done;we have therefore no alternative but to collect it ourselves.Speaking specifically,people engaged in practical work must at all times keep abreast of changing conditions,and this is something for which no Communist Party in any country can depend on others.Therefore, everyone engaged in practical work must investigate conditions at the lower levels.Such investigation is especially necessary for those who know theory but do not know the actual conditions,for otherwise they will not be able to link theory with practice.Although my assertion, "No investigation,no right to speak",has been ridiculed as "narrow empiricism",to this day I do not regret having made it;what is more,I still insist that without investigation there cannot possibly be any right to speak.There are many people who "the moment they alight from the official carriage"make a hullabaloo,spout opinions,criticize this and condemn that;but,in fact,ten out of ten of them will meet with failure.For such views or criticisms,which are not based on thorough investigation,are nothing but ignorant twaddle.Countless times our Party suffered at the hands of these "imperial envoys",who rushed here,there and everywhere.Stalin rightly says that "theory becomes purposeless if it is not connected with revolutionary practice".And he rightly adds that "practice gropes in the dark if its path is not illumined by revolutionary theory".[3 Nobody should be labelled a "narrow empiricist"except the "practical man"who gropes in the dark and lacks perspective and foresight. Today I still feel keenly the necessity for thorough research into Chinese and world affairs;this is related to the scantiness of my own knowledge of Chinese and world affairs and does not imply that I know everything and that others are ignorant.It is my wish to go on being a pupil,learning from the masses,together with all other Party comrades. POSTSCRIPT April 19.1941 The experience of the period of the ten years'civil war is the best and most pertinent for the present

clerk were all my esteemed teachers, and as their pupil I had to be respectful and diligent and comradely in my attitude; otherwise they would have paid no attention to me, and, though they knew, would not have spoken or, if they spoke, would not have told all they knew. A fact-finding meeting need not be large; from three to five or seven or eight people are enough. Ample time must be allowed and an outline for the investigation must be prepared; furthermore, one must personally ask questions, take notes and have discussions with those at the meeting. Therefore one certainly cannot make an investigation, or do it well, without zeal, a determination to direct one's eyes downward and a thirst for knowledge, and without shedding the ugly mantle of pretentiousness and becoming a willing pupil. It has to be understood that the masses are the real heroes, while we ourselves are often childish and ignorant, and without this understanding it is impossible to acquire even the most rudimentary knowledge. I should like to repeat that the main purpose of publishing this reference material is to indicate a method for finding out the conditions prevailing at the lower levels; it is not to have comrades memorize the specific material and the conclusions drawn from it. Speaking generally, the infant bourgeoisie of China has not been able, and never will be able, to provide relatively comprehensive or even rudimentary material on social conditions, as the bourgeoisie in Europe, America and Japan has done; we have therefore no alternative but to collect it ourselves. Speaking specifically, people engaged in practical work must at all times keep abreast of changing conditions, and this is something for which no Communist Party in any country can depend on others. Therefore, everyone engaged in practical work must investigate conditions at the lower levels. Such investigation is especially necessary for those who know theory but do not know the actual conditions, for otherwise they will not be able to link theory with practice. Although my assertion, "No investigation, no right to speak", has been ridiculed as "narrow empiricism", to this day I do not regret having made it; what is more, I still insist that without investigation there cannot possibly be any right to speak. There are many people who "the moment they alight from the official carriage" make a hullabaloo, spout opinions, criticize this and condemn that; but, in fact, ten out of ten of them will meet with failure. For such views or criticisms, which are not based on thorough investigation, are nothing but ignorant twaddle. Countless times our Party suffered at the hands of these "imperial envoys", who rushed here, there and everywhere. Stalin rightly says that "theory becomes purposeless if it is not connected with revolutionary practice". And he rightly adds that "practice gropes in the dark if its path is not illumined by revolutionary theory". [3] Nobody should be labelled a "narrow empiricist" except the "practical man" who gropes in the dark and lacks perspective and foresight. Today I still feel keenly the necessity for thorough research into Chinese and world affairs; this is related to the scantiness of my own knowledge of Chinese and world affairs and does not imply that I know everything and that others are ignorant. It is my wish to go on being a pupil, learning from the masses, together with all other Party comrades. POSTSCRIPT April 19, 1941 The experience of the period of the ten years' civil war is the best and most pertinent for the present

period,the War of Resistance Against Japan.This refers to the aspect of how to link ourselves with the masses and mobilize them against the enemy,but not to the aspect of the tactical line.The Party's present tactical line is different in principle from that of the past.Formerly,the Party's tactical line was to oppose the landlords and the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie;now,it is to unite with all those landlords and members of the bourgeoisie who are not against resisting Japan. Even in the latter stage of the ten years'civil war,it was incorrect not to have adopted differing policies towards the reactionary government and political party which were launching armed attacks on us on the one hand,and towards all the social strata of a capitalist character under our own rule on the other,it was also incorrect not to have adopted differing policies towards the different groups within the reactionary government and political party.At that time,a policy of"all struggle"was pursued towards every section of society other than the peasantry and the lower strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie,and this policy was undoubtedly wrong.In agrarian policy,it was also wrong to repudiate the correct policy adopted in the early and middle periods of the ten years' civil war,[4]whereby the landlords were given the same allotment of land as the peasants so that they could engage in farming and would not become displaced or go up into the mountains as bandits and disrupt public order.The Party's policy is now of necessity a different one;it is not"all struggle and no alliance",neither is it "all alliance and no struggle"(like the Chen Tu-hsiuism of 1927).Instead,it is a policy of uniting with all social strata opposed to Japanese imperialism,of forming a united front with and yet of waging struggles against them,struggles that differ in form according to the different degrees in which their vacillating or reactionary side manifests itself in capitulation to the enemy and opposition to the Communist Party and the people.The present policy is a dual policy which synthesizes"alliance"and"struggle".In labour policy,it is the dual policy of suitably improving the workers'livelihood and of not hampering the proper development of the capitalist economy.In agrarian policy,it is the dual policy of requiring the landlords to reduce rent and interest and of stipulating that the peasants should pay this reduced rent and interest.In the sphere of political rights,it is the dual policy of allowing all the anti-Japanese landlords and capitalists the same rights of person and the same political and property rights as the workers and peasants and yet of guarding against possible counter-revolutionary activity on their part.State- owned and co-operative economy should be developed,but the main economic sector in the rural base areas today consists not of state but of private enterprises,and the sector of non-monopoly capitalism in our economy should be given the opportunity to develop and be used against Japanese imperialism and the semi-feudal system.This is the most revolutionary policy for China today,and to oppose or impede its execution is undoubtedly a mistake.To preserve the communist purity of Party members scrupulously and resolutely,and to protect the useful part of the capitalist sector of the social economy and enable it to develop appropriately,are both indispensable tasks for us in the period of resisting Japan and building a democratic republic.In this period it is possible that some Communists may be corrupted by the bourgeoisie and that capitalist ideas may emerge among members of the Party,and we must fight against these decadent ideas;however,we should not mistakenly carry over the struggle against capitalist ideas within the Party to the field of social economy and oppose the capitalist sector of the economy.We must draw a clear line of demarcation between the two.The Communist Party of China is working in a complicated environment,and every Party member and especially every cadre,must temper himself to become a fighter who understands Marxist tactics.A one-sided and over-simplified approach to problems can never lead the revolution to victory

period, the War of Resistance Against Japan. This refers to the aspect of how to link ourselves with the masses and mobilize them against the enemy, but not to the aspect of the tactical line. The Party's present tactical line is different in principle from that of the past. Formerly, the Party's tactical line was to oppose the landlords and the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie; now, it is to unite with all those landlords and members of the bourgeoisie who are not against resisting Japan. Even in the latter stage of the ten years' civil war, it was incorrect not to have adopted differing policies towards the reactionary government and political party which were launching armed attacks on us on the one hand, and towards all the social strata of a capitalist character under our own rule on the other; it was also incorrect not to have adopted differing policies towards the different groups within the reactionary government and political party. At that time, a policy of "all struggle" was pursued towards every section of society other than the peasantry and the lower strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie, and this policy was undoubtedly wrong. In agrarian policy, it was also wrong to repudiate the correct policy adopted in the early and middle periods of the ten years' civil war, [4] whereby the landlords were given the same allotment of land as the peasants so that they could engage in farming and would not become displaced or go up into the mountains as bandits and disrupt public order. The Party's policy is now of necessity a different one; it is not "all struggle and no alliance", neither is it "all alliance and no struggle" (like the Chen Tu-hsiuism of 1927). Instead, it is a policy of uniting with all social strata opposed to Japanese imperialism, of forming a united front with and yet of waging struggles against them, struggles that differ in form according to the different degrees in which their vacillating or reactionary side manifests itself in capitulation to the enemy and opposition to the Communist Party and the people. The present policy is a dual policy which synthesizes "alliance" and "struggle". In labour policy, it is the dual policy of suitably improving the workers' livelihood and of not hampering the proper development of the capitalist economy. In agrarian policy, it is the dual policy of requiring the landlords to reduce rent and interest and of stipulating that the peasants should pay this reduced rent and interest. In the sphere of political rights, it is the dual policy of allowing all the anti-Japanese landlords and capitalists the same rights of person and the same political and property rights as the workers and peasants and yet of guarding against possible counter-revolutionary activity on their part. State￾owned and co-operative economy should be developed, but the main economic sector in the rural base areas today consists not of state but of private enterprises, and the sector of non-monopoly capitalism in our economy should be given the opportunity to develop and be used against Japanese imperialism and the semi-feudal system. This is the most revolutionary policy for China today, and to oppose or impede its execution is undoubtedly a mistake. To preserve the communist purity of Party members scrupulously and resolutely, and to protect the useful part of the capitalist sector of the social economy and enable it to develop appropriately, are both indispensable tasks for us in the period of resisting Japan and building a democratic republic. In this period it is possible that some Communists may be corrupted by the bourgeoisie and that capitalist ideas may emerge among members of the Party, and we must fight against these decadent ideas; however, we should not mistakenly carry over the struggle against capitalist ideas within the Party to the field of social economy and oppose the capitalist sector of the economy. We must draw a clear line of demarcation between the two. The Communist Party of China is working in a complicated environment, and every Party member and especially every cadre, must temper himself to become a fighter who understands Marxist tactics. A one-sided and over-simplified approach to problems can never lead the revolution to victory

NOTES 1.The Central Committee's directive of July 7,1940 is the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Present Situation and the Party's Policy".The Central Committee's directive of December 25,1940 is included in the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol.I.as the article "On Policy" 2.A hsiutsaiwas a holder of the lowest degree in the imperial examinations. 3.J.V.Stalin,"The Foundations of Leninism",Problems of Leninism,Eng.ed.,FLPH,Moscow, 1954,p.31. 4.The first period of the ten years'civil war lasted from late 1927 to late 1928 and is generally known as the Chingkangshan period;the middle period ran from early 1929 to the autumn of 1931, that is,from the establishment of the Central Red Base Area to the victorious conclusion of the campaign against the third"encirclement and suppression";and the third period from late 1931 to late 1934,that is,from the victorious conclusion of that campaign to the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau at Tsunyi in Kweichow Province called by the Central Committee of the Party.The Tsunyi Meeting of January 1935 put an end to the domination of the "Left"opportunist line in the Party,which had lasted from 1931 to 1934,and steered the Party back to the correct line. Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project. HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung REFORM OUR STUDY May 1941 [Comrade Mao Tse-tung made this report to a cadres'meeting in Yenan.The report and the two articles,"Rectify the Party's Style of Work"and"Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing",are Comrade Mao Tse-tung's basic works on the rectification movement.In these he summed up,on the ideological plane,past differences in the Party over the Party line and analysed the petty-bourgeois ideology and style which,masquerading as Marxism-Leninism,were prevalent in the Party,and which chiefly manifested themselves in subjectivist and sectarian tendencies,their form of expression being stereotyped Party writing.Comrade Mao Tse-tung called for a Party-wide movement of Marxist-Leninist education to rectify style of work in accordance with the ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism.His call very quickly led to a great debate between proletarian and

NOTES 1. The Central Committee's directive of July 7, 1940 is the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Present Situation and the Party's Policy". The Central Committee's directive of December 25, 1940 is included in the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II,as the article "On Policy". 2. A hsiutsaiwas a holder of the lowest degree in the imperial examinations. 3. J. V. Stalin, "The Foundations of Leninism", Problems of Leninism,Eng. ed., FLPH, Moscow, 1954, p. 31. 4. The first period of the ten years' civil war lasted from late 1927 to late 1928 and is generally known as the Chingkangshan period; the middle period ran from early 1929 to the autumn of 1931, that is, from the establishment of the Central Red Base Area to the victorious conclusion of the campaign against the third "encirclement and suppression"; and the third period from late 1931 to late 1934, that is, from the victorious conclusion of that campaign to the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau at Tsunyi in Kweichow Province called by the Central Committee of the Party. The Tsunyi Meeting of January 1935 put an end to the domination of the "Left" opportunist line in the Party, which had lasted from 1931 to 1934, and steered the Party back to the correct line. Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project. HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung REFORM OUR STUDY May 1941 [Comrade Mao Tse-tung made this report to a cadres' meeting in Yenan. The report and the two articles, "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" and "Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing", are Comrade Mao Tse-tung's basic works on the rectification movement. In these he summed up, on the ideological plane, past differences in the Party over the Party line and analysed the petty-bourgeois ideology and style which, masquerading as Marxism-Leninism, were prevalent in the Party, and which chiefly manifested themselves in subjectivist and sectarian tendencies, their form of expression being stereotyped Party writing. Comrade Mao Tse-tung called for a Party-wide movement of Marxist-Leninist education to rectify style of work in accordance with the ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism. His call very quickly led to a great debate between proletarian and

petty-bourgeois ideology inside and outside the Party.This consolidated the position of proletarian ideology inside and outside the Party,enabled the broad ranks of cadres to take a great step forward ideologically and the Party to achieve unprecedented unity.] I propose that we should reform the method and the system of study throughout the Party.The reasons are as follows: The twenty years of the Communist Party of China have been twenty years in which the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism has become more and more integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution.If we recall how superficial meagre our understanding of Marxism-Leninism and of the Chinese revolution was during our Party's infancy,we can see how much deeper and richer it is now.For a hundred years,the finest sons and daughters of the disaster-ridden Chinese nation fought and sacrificed their lives,one stepping into the breach as another fell,in quest of the truth that would save the country and the people.This moves us to song and tears.But it was only after World War I and the October Revolution in Russia that we found Marxism-Leninism.the best of truths,the best of weapons for liberating our nation.And the Communist Party of China has been the initiator,propagandist and organizer in the wielding of this weapon.As soon as it was linked with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution,the universal truth of Marxism Leninism gave an entirely new complexion to the Chinese revolution.Since the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan,our Party,basing itself on the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism,has taken a further step in its study of the concrete practice of this war and in its study of China and the world today,and has also made a beginning in the study of Chinese history.These are all very good signs. Ⅱ However,we still have shortcomings,and very big ones too.Unless we correct these shortcomings, we shall not,in my opinion,be able to take another step forward in our work and in our great cause of integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. First,take the study of current conditions.We have achieved some success in our study of present domestic and international conditions,but for such a large political party as ours,the material we have collected is fragmentary and our research work unsystematic on each and every aspect of these subjects,whether it be the political,military,economic or cultural aspect.Generally speaking, in the last twenty years we have not done systematic and thorough work in collecting and studying material on these aspects,and we are lacking in a climate of investigation and study of objective reality.To behave like"a blindfolded man catching sparrows",or"a blind man groping for fish",to be crude and careless,to indulge in verbiage,to rest content with a smattering of knowledge-such is the extremely bad style of work that still exists among many comrades in our Party,a style utterly opposed to the fundamental spirit of Marxism-Leninism.Marx,Engels,Lenin and Stalin have taught us that it is necessary to study conditions conscientiously and to proceed from objective

petty-bourgeois ideology inside and outside the Party. This consolidated the position of proletarian ideology inside and outside the Party, enabled the broad ranks of cadres to take a great step forward ideologically and the Party to achieve unprecedented unity.] I propose that we should reform the method and the system of study throughout the Party. The reasons are as follows: I The twenty years of the Communist Party of China have been twenty years in which the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism has become more and more integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. If we recall how superficial meagre our understanding of Marxism-Leninism and of the Chinese revolution was during our Party's infancy, we can see how much deeper and richer it is now. For a hundred years, the finest sons and daughters of the disaster-ridden Chinese nation fought and sacrificed their lives, one stepping into the breach as another fell, in quest of the truth that would save the country and the people. This moves us to song and tears. But it was only after World War I and the October Revolution in Russia that we found Marxism-Leninism, the best of truths, the best of weapons for liberating our nation. And the Communist Party of China has been the initiator, propagandist and organizer in the wielding of this weapon. As soon as it was linked with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, the universal truth of Marxism Leninism gave an entirely new complexion to the Chinese revolution. Since the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, our Party, basing itself on the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism, has taken a further step in its study of the concrete practice of this war and in its study of China and the world today, and has also made a beginning in the study of Chinese history. These are all very good signs. II However, we still have shortcomings, and very big ones too. Unless we correct these shortcomings, we shall not, in my opinion, be able to take another step forward in our work and in our great cause of integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. First, take the study of current conditions. We have achieved some success in our study of present domestic and international conditions, but for such a large political party as ours, the material we have collected is fragmentary and our research work unsystematic on each and every aspect of these subjects, whether it be the political, military, economic or cultural aspect. Generally speaking, in the last twenty years we have not done systematic and thorough work in collecting and studying material on these aspects, and we are lacking in a climate of investigation and study of objective reality. To behave like "a blindfolded man catching sparrows", or "a blind man groping for fish", to be crude and careless, to indulge in verbiage, to rest content with a smattering of knowledge-such is the extremely bad style of work that still exists among many comrades in our Party, a style utterly opposed to the fundamental spirit of Marxism-Leninism. Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin have taught us that it is necessary to study conditions conscientiously and to proceed from objective

reality and not from subjective wishes;but many of our comrades act in direct violation of this truth. Second,take the study of history.Although a few Party members and sympathizers have undertaken this work,it has not been done in an organized way.Many Party members are still in a fog about Chinese history,whether of the last hundred years or of ancient times.There are many Marxist-Leninist scholars who cannot open their mouths without citing ancient Greece;but as for their own ancestors-sorry,they have been forgotten.There is no climate of serious study either of current conditions or of past history. Third,take the study of international revolutionary experience,the study of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism.Many comrades seem to study Marxism-Leninism not to meet the needs of revolutionary practice,but purely for the sake of study.Consequently,though they read,they cannot digest.They can only cite odd quotations from Marx,Engels,Lenin and Stalin in a one-sided manner,but are unable to apply the stand,viewpoint and method of Marx,Engels,Lenin and Stalin to the concrete study of China's present conditions and her history or to the concrete analysis and solution of the problems of the Chinese revolution.Such an attitude towards Marxism-Leninism does a great deal of harm,particularly among cadres of the middle and higher ranks. The three aspects I have just mentioned,neglect of the study of current conditions,neglect of the study of history and neglect of the application of Marxism-Leninism,all constitute an extremely bad style of work.Its spread has harmed many of our comrades. There are indeed many comrades in our ranks who have been led astray by this style of work. Unwilling to carry on systematic and thorough investigation and study of the specific conditions inside and outside the country,the province,county or district,they issue orders on no other basis than their scanty knowledge and "It must be so because it seems so to me".Does not this subjectivist style still exist among a great many comrades? There are some who are proud,instead of ashamed,of knowing nothing or very little of our own history.What is particularly significant is that very few really know the history of the Communist Party of China and the history of China in the hundred years since the Opium War.Hardly anyone has seriously taken up the study of the economic,political,military and cultural history of the last hundred years.Ignorant of their own country,some people can only relate tales of ancient Greece and other foreign lands,and even this knowledge is quite pathetic,consisting of odds and ends from old foreign books. For several decades,many of the returned students from abroad have suffered from this malady. Coming home from Europe,America or Japan,they can only parrot things foreign.They become gramophones and forget their duty to understand and create new things.This malady has also infected the Communist Party. Although we are studying Marxism,the way many of our people study it runs directly counter to Marxism.That is to say,they violate the fundamental principle earnestly enjoined on us by Marx, Engels,Lenin and Stalin,the unity of theory and practice.Having violated this principle,they invent an opposite principle of their own,the separation of theory from practice.In the schools and

reality and not from subjective wishes; but many of our comrades act in direct violation of this truth. Second, take the study of history. Although a few Party members and sympathizers have undertaken this work, it has not been done in an organized way. Many Party members are still in a fog about Chinese history, whether of the last hundred years or of ancient times. There are many Marxist-Leninist scholars who cannot open their mouths without citing ancient Greece; but as for their own ancestors-sorry, they have been forgotten. There is no climate of serious study either of current conditions or of past history. Third, take the study of international revolutionary experience, the study of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism. Many comrades seem to study Marxism-Leninism not to meet the needs of revolutionary practice, but purely for the sake of study. Consequently, though they read, they cannot digest. They can only cite odd quotations from Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin in a one-sided manner, but are unable to apply the stand, viewpoint and method of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin to the concrete study of China's present conditions and her history or to the concrete analysis and solution of the problems of the Chinese revolution. Such an attitude towards Marxism-Leninism does a great deal of harm, particularly among cadres of the middle and higher ranks. The three aspects I have just mentioned, neglect of the study of current conditions, neglect of the study of history and neglect of the application of Marxism-Leninism, all constitute an extremely bad style of work. Its spread has harmed many of our comrades. There are indeed many comrades in our ranks who have been led astray by this style of work. Unwilling to carry on systematic and thorough investigation and study of the specific conditions inside and outside the country, the province, county or district, they issue orders on no other basis than their scanty knowledge and "It must be so because it seems so to me". Does not this subjectivist style still exist among a great many comrades? There are some who are proud, instead of ashamed, of knowing nothing or very little of our own history. What is particularly significant is that very few really know the history of the Communist Party of China and the history of China in the hundred years since the Opium War. Hardly anyone has seriously taken up the study of the economic, political, military and cultural history of the last hundred years. Ignorant of their own country, some people can only relate tales of ancient Greece and other foreign lands, and even this knowledge is quite pathetic, consisting of odds and ends from old foreign books. For several decades, many of the returned students from abroad have suffered from this malady. Coming home from Europe, America or Japan, they can only parrot things foreign. They become gramophones and forget their duty to understand and create new things. This malady has also infected the Communist Party. Although we are studying Marxism, the way many of our people study it runs directly counter to Marxism. That is to say, they violate the fundamental principle earnestly enjoined on us by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, the unity of theory and practice. Having violated this principle, they invent an opposite principle of their own, the separation of theory from practice. In the schools and

in the education of cadres at work,teachers of philosophy do not guide students to study the logic of the Chinese revolution;teachers of economics do not guide them to study the characteristics of the Chinese economy:teachers of political science do not guide them to study the tactics of the Chinese revolution;teachers of military science do not guide them to study the strategy and tactics adapted to China's special features;and so on and so forth.Consequently,error is disseminated,doing people great harm.A person does not know how to apply in Fuhsien [1l what he has learned in Yenan.Professors of economics cannot explain the relationship between the Border Region currency and the Kuomintang currency,2 so naturally the students cannot explain it either.Thus a perverse mentality has been created among many students;instead of showing an interest in China's problems and taking the Party's directives seriously,they give all their hearts to the supposedly eternal and immutable dogmas learned from their teachers. Of course,what I have just said refers to the worst type in our Party,and I am not saying that it is the general case.However,people of this type do exist;what is more,there are quite a few of them and they cause a great deal of harm.This matter should not be treated lightly. I In order to explain this idea further,I should like to contrast two opposite attitudes. First,there is the subjectivist attitude. With this attitude,a person does not make a systematic and thorough study of the environment,but works by sheer subjective enthusiasm and has a blurred picture of the face of China today.With this attitude,he chops up history,knows only ancient Greece but not China and is in a fog about the China of yesterday and the day before yesterday.With this attitude,a person studies Marxist- Leninist theory in the abstract and without any aim.He goes to Marx,Engels,Lenin and Stalin not to seek the stand,viewpoint and method with which to solve the theoretical and tactical problems of the Chinese revolution but to study theory purely for theory's sake.He does not shoot the arrow at the target but shoots at random.Marx,Engels,Lenin and Stalin have taught us that we should proceed from objective realities and that we should derive laws from them to serve as our guide to action.For this purpose,we should,as Marx has said,appropriate the material in detail and subject it to scientific analysis and synthesis.[31 Many of our people do not act in this way but do the opposite.A good number of them are doing research work but have no interest in studying either the China of today or the China of yesterday and confine their interest to the study of empty "theories"divorced from reality.Many others are doing practical work,but they too pay no attention to the study of objective conditions,often rely on sheer enthusiasm and substitute their personal feelings for policy.Both kinds of people,relying on the subjective,ignore the existence of objective realities.When making speeches,they indulge in a long string of headings,A,B,C,D,1, 2,3,4,and when writing articles,they turn out a lot of verbiage.They have no intention of seeking truth from facts,but only a desire to curry favour by claptrap.They are flashy without substance, brittle without solidity.They are always right,they are the Number One authority under Heaven, "imperial envoys"who rush everywhere.Such is the style of work of some comrades in our ranks. To govern one's own conduct by this style is to harm oneself,to teach it to others is to harm others. and to use it to direct the revolution is to harm the revolution.To sum up,this subjectivist method

in the education of cadres at work, teachers of philosophy do not guide students to study the logic of the Chinese revolution; teachers of economics do not guide them to study the characteristics of the Chinese economy; teachers of political science do not guide them to study the tactics of the Chinese revolution; teachers of military science do not guide them to study the strategy and tactics adapted to China's special features; and so on and so forth. Consequently, error is disseminated, doing people great harm. A person does not know how to apply in Fuhsien [1] what he has learned in Yenan. Professors of economics cannot explain the relationship between the Border Region currency and the Kuomintang currency, [2] so naturally the students cannot explain it either. Thus a perverse mentality has been created among many students; instead of showing an interest in China's problems and taking the Party's directives seriously, they give all their hearts to the supposedly eternal and immutable dogmas learned from their teachers. Of course, what I have just said refers to the worst type in our Party, and I am not saying that it is the general case. However, people of this type do exist; what is more, there are quite a few of them and they cause a great deal of harm. This matter should not be treated lightly. III In order to explain this idea further, I should like to contrast two opposite attitudes. First, there is the subjectivist attitude. With this attitude, a person does not make a systematic and thorough study of the environment, but works by sheer subjective enthusiasm and has a blurred picture of the face of China today. With this attitude, he chops up history, knows only ancient Greece but not China and is in a fog about the China of yesterday and the day before yesterday. With this attitude, a person studies Marxist￾Leninist theory in the abstract and without any aim. He goes to Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin not to seek the stand, viewpoint and method with which to solve the theoretical and tactical problems of the Chinese revolution but to study theory purely for theory's sake. He does not shoot the arrow at the target but shoots at random. Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin have taught us that we should proceed from objective realities and that we should derive laws from them to serve as our guide to action. For this purpose, we should, as Marx has said, appropriate the material in detail and subject it to scientific analysis and synthesis. [3] Many of our people do not act in this way but do the opposite. A good number of them are doing research work but have no interest in studying either the China of today or the China of yesterday and confine their interest to the study of empty "theories" divorced from reality. Many others are doing practical work, but they too pay no attention to the study of objective conditions, often rely on sheer enthusiasm and substitute their personal feelings for policy. Both kinds of people, relying on the subjective, ignore the existence of objective realities. When making speeches, they indulge in a long string of headings, A, B, C, D, 1, 2, 3, 4, and when writing articles, they turn out a lot of verbiage. They have no intention of seeking truth from facts, but only a desire to curry favour by claptrap. They are flashy without substance, brittle without solidity. They are always right, they are the Number One authority under Heaven, "imperial envoys" who rush everywhere. Such is the style of work of some comrades in our ranks. To govern one's own conduct by this style is to harm oneself, to teach it to others is to harm others, and to use it to direct the revolution is to harm the revolution. To sum up, this subjectivist method